Money & the Monetary System

You Cannot Talk About Bitcoin Without First Talking About Money

Greg Heaver

12/3/202515 min read

worm's-eye view photography of concrete building
worm's-eye view photography of concrete building

There is a great deal about Bitcoin I still want to understand — hash rates, block sizes, mining, how nodes validate transactions, and all the mechanics that make the network function. The technical side is deep, and I will get there in time. But before any of that matters, the first question is the simplest: why did Bitcoin appear at all?
It did not emerge out of nowhere, and it did not arrive in a vacuum. To understand its purpose, we have to go backward, not forward — back into the history of money itself, and the monetary system Bitcoin was created to confront.

Bitcoin was not created because someone wanted a new digital payment tool or a clever type of internet money. It appeared because the foundations of the existing monetary system were showing strain. Those pressures had been accumulating quietly for decades, but they became unavoidable during the global financial crisis of 2008. That moment exposed a truth long hidden beneath the surface: the monetary system we rely upon is more fragile, more political, and more dependent on emergency intervention than most people ever realised.

Money shapes everything in a modern economy. It influences how we work, save, trade, and plan for the future. Yet very few people ever question where it comes from or how it maintains its value. For most, money simply appears in wallets, bank accounts, or payslips, and its design is taken for granted. But every monetary system is a product of deliberate choices — choices made by governments, central banks, and policymakers whose incentives do not always align with the long-term interests of ordinary citizens.

By the time the financial system reached its breaking point in 2008, the public had a rare opportunity to see behind the curtain. Banks failed. Credit markets froze. Governments stepped in with emergency measures. Central banks expanded the supply of currency rapidly to stabilise the system. Those decisions prevented a deeper collapse, but they also revealed how dependent the modern monetary structure is on continual intervention — and how little transparency surrounds those interventions.

Bitcoin was created during this moment of uncertainty. It emerged at a time when confidence in the financial system had been shaken and when long-standing assumptions about the stability of money were being questioned. Its design was not an accident and not a coincidence. It was a response to the vulnerabilities exposed during that crisis and to the underlying patterns that have repeated throughout monetary history.

Understanding Bitcoin begins with understanding those patterns — how money is created, how it is managed, why it weakens, and why every major monetary system eventually faces the same pressures. Only by examining the system itself can we understand why an alternative was needed, and why that alternative took the form that it did.

The Spark: The Message in the Genesis Block

When Satoshi Nakamoto launched Bitcoin in January 2009, he chose to embed a short newspaper headline inside the first block of the network — a block that would come to be known as the Genesis Block. It read:

“Chancellor on brink of second bailout for banks.”
The Times, 3 January 2009

On the surface, it served the simple purpose of a timestamp, anchoring Bitcoin’s creation to a specific moment in history. But its deeper significance is difficult to ignore. Satoshi selected a headline that captured the essence of the global financial crisis: a monetary system under stress, governments stepping in to rescue failing institutions, and central banks preparing to expand the money supply on an unprecedented scale.

It was not an announcement or a slogan. It was a quiet marker — a line of text that reflected the environment in which Bitcoin emerged. The world was witnessing a moment where the inner workings of money were laid bare. Decisions that would reshape economies for years to come were made rapidly and centrally, with little public input and even less transparency.

The headline symbolised a turning point. It was evidence that the system, despite its appearance of stability, required extraordinary intervention to survive. The banking system survived only because governments and central banks stepped in and created new money to keep it functioning. For many, it was the first time it became clear that money could be expanded by decree, that its value could be diluted as a policy choice, and that the stability of the system rested heavily on the actions of a few institutions.

Satoshi’s inclusion of the headline acknowledged this reality without commentary or emotion. It did not condemn policymakers or blame any particular institution. It simply recorded, in the protocol’s permanent history, the moment the world found itself in: a monetary system stretched to its limits, reliant on emergency measures, and revealing structural weaknesses that few had questioned openly before.

That understated line, preserved forever in Bitcoin’s ledger, points toward the broader issues that shaped Bitcoin’s creation — issues rooted in how money is managed, who controls it, and why systems built on trust and discretion eventually encounter the same patterns of strain.

Understanding that context is essential because Bitcoin was not designed as a minor improvement to the existing system. It was designed in response to the system’s long-standing vulnerabilities, many of which had been accelerating for decades and became impossible to ignore during the crisis.

This realisation forms the bridge to the deeper question: why do monetary systems fail in the first place, and why does this cycle repeat so consistently throughout history?

The Pattern of Monetary Failure: A Cycle Thousands of Years Old

To understand why Bitcoin was necessary, we need to step back from the present and look at the long sweep of monetary history. The challenges exposed in 2008 were not new. They were part of a pattern that has repeated across empires, cultures, and eras. The terminology changes, the institutions change, and the technologies change, but the underlying cycle is remarkably consistent.

It begins with sound money.

Throughout most of recorded history, societies chose precious metals — typically gold and silver — as the foundation of their monetary systems. The reasons were practical. These metals are scarce, durable, divisible, and difficult to produce in large quantities. A ruler cannot create gold at will, and that constraint naturally limits the ability to overspend or expand the money supply irresponsibly. Sound money tends to foster stability, long-term planning, and trust.

The cycle begins to shift when those in power discover the political advantages of altering the supply of money. In ancient societies, this usually took the form of coin debasement — reducing precious metal content while keeping the face value the same. In later centuries, it took the form of issuing notes that were supposedly redeemable for metal but were created in quantities far beyond reserves. In the modern era, it appears as fiscal deficits, central bank interventions, and policies that expand the supply of currency in response to political or economic pressure.

As soon as a monetary system moves from hard constraints to discretionary expansion, its character changes. What begins as an exception — a temporary suspension of convertibility, a one-off issuance of notes, or a limited programme of credit creation — gradually becomes a regular instrument of policy. Over time, expanding the money supply becomes easier, and once it becomes easier, it becomes the default response to financial stress, public expectations, or political demands.

In the early stages, these interventions appear harmless. They support government spending, stimulate activity, or cushion economic shocks. But they also dilute the purchasing power of the currency. Savings lose strength quietly. Prices drift upward. And the burden falls most heavily on those who neither influence monetary policy nor benefit directly from it.

History shows that this transition does not happen suddenly. It unfolds gradually and often goes unnoticed until the consequences become impossible to ignore. When money loses its reliability, confidence weakens. People begin to adjust their behaviour. They seek alternatives. They protect themselves however they can. And once trust in a monetary system erodes, it is rarely restored.

At the end of the cycle, the currency is either restructured, replaced, or allowed to collapse. Sometimes the transition is orderly — a new standard is established, or convertibility is reinstated. Other times, the change is abrupt and devastating, as in episodes of hyperinflation where money fails entirely. But in every case, the cycle ends with a reset and a return, in some form, to a foundation that imposes greater discipline on the creation of money.

This pattern is not theoretical. It has played out repeatedly — in the fall of the Roman denarius, the collapse of the French livre, the failure of early Chinese paper currencies, the dismantling of the German mark, and dozens of other examples across continents and centuries. The details vary across eras, but the pattern is the same: once money can be expanded easily, it will be — and the system built on it grows increasingly fragile.

The financial crisis of 2008 did not introduce this dynamic — it revealed it. The underlying structure of the modern monetary system had been shifting for decades, but 2008 exposed how dependent the system had become on continuous support, intervention, and rapid expansion of currency and credit. It demonstrated that the stability of the system rested less on the inherent strength of money itself and more on the actions of institutions tasked with maintaining it.

To understand why the cycle continues — even when its consequences are well documented — we need to look more closely at the incentives that drive it.

Why the Cycle Keeps Repeating

If the dangers of monetary expansion are so well documented, it might seem surprising that societies keep repeating the same pattern. But the repetition is not the result of ignorance. It is the result of incentives, and of decisions made by people who understand the system very well.

The individuals who oversee monetary policy — central bankers, senior politicians, and major financial institutions — are not unaware of the long-term consequences of money creation. They know that persistent deficits weaken a currency. They know that quantitative easing distorts markets and widens inequality. They know that continually increasing the money supply erodes purchasing power over time. None of this is a mystery to them.

Yet they continue regardless — because for those at the top, the costs of restraint are immediate and personal, while the costs of excess fall on someone else, somewhere else, at some later time.

For elected officials, keeping spending high and borrowing cheap helps them deliver policies that win support. Raising taxes or cutting programs is politically risky. Adding to the national debt is politically easy. And if the consequences of that debt will be felt under a future administration, the incentives overwhelmingly favour postponing the problem.

Central bankers face a similar dynamic. Their responsibility is to maintain financial stability. When asset markets wobble, when liquidity tightens, or when banks show signs of weakness, the safest option for them is intervention. Creating more money appears cautious, responsible, stabilising — even when it pushes the underlying system further from balance. Every crisis invites a response, and every response establishes a precedent that makes the next one more likely.

Financial institutions understand this environment extremely well. They know that when markets stumble, central banks will step in to protect them. They know that new money enters the system through the banking sector before it reaches the broader economy. And they know that this structure allows them to benefit disproportionately from monetary expansion. Bonuses rise, asset prices rise, and their relative position strengthens. There is no incentive for them to argue for discipline.

Meanwhile, the burden of these decisions falls on the wider population — people who never voted for the policies, never participated in the decision-making, and never received the newly created money. They experience the effects through rising prices, weaker savings, and increasingly fragile economic conditions.

This is not subtle. It is a clear transfer of benefits upward and a slow diffusion of costs downward.

Monetary cycles repeat not because societies fail to learn, but because the people with the greatest influence over the system have the least incentive to change it. They extend the cycle knowing that the consequences will likely fall on future policymakers, future generations, or future holders of the currency.

In such a system, continuation is rational for those at the top. Restraint is costly. Discipline is politically dangerous. And structural reform becomes nearly impossible. As a result, every cycle follows the same trajectory: a shift from hard constraints to gradual expansion, then to repeated interventions, and eventually to instability.

To understand why the modern system never returned to stability in the way past cycles did, we need to look at why gold — historically the anchor that restored discipline — did not resume its traditional role in the twentieth century.

Why Gold Did Not Return as Money in the Modern Era

If gold had been allowed to operate freely within the market, history strongly suggests it would have resumed its traditional role as the backbone of the monetary system. Across centuries and continents, whenever fiat currencies weakened or collapsed, societies returned to gold. It was the asset of last resort — the final anchor of trust when political systems or empires entered their late stages.

But in the modern era, gold did not return to this role. Not because it failed, but because it was deliberately restrained.

Governments came to value the flexibility of fiat money. A gold-backed system imposes limits on how money can be created. It restricts deficit spending, curbs the ability to finance prolonged military activity, and forces fiscal discipline that few political leaders find convenient. Fiat, by contrast, offers room to manoeuvre. It allows policy responses that are immediate, adjustable, and often politically advantageous. As this flexibility became embedded in government strategy, the incentives to restore gold’s influence diminished.

To maintain fiat’s dominance, a range of interventions were put in place. Gold ownership was restricted in several countries, most notably the United States, where private ownership was banned from 1933 to 1975. Convertibility was suspended during crises and ultimately abolished entirely. Central banks accumulated vast reserves, giving them influence over market conditions. Financial instruments such as futures contracts, ETFs, and unallocated gold accounts expanded the appearance of supply and softened price movements. All of these measures served a single purpose: to prevent gold from signalling the weaknesses in the monetary system, as it had done throughout history.

Yet even with these constraints, gold’s role was never eliminated — only muted. And there are limits to how much it can be suppressed. History shows that during the final stages of monetary breakdown, when inflation accelerates and confidence deteriorates, gold begins to behave as it always has. It rises in value, not because of speculation, but because it reflects a loss of trust in the currency itself. It becomes the measuring stick rather than the measured.

There is little reason to believe the modern cycle would have been different. The underlying pressures that have driven past monetary collapses are present today: high debt levels, sustained deficits, political incentives that favour postponement over discipline, and a global financial system heavily reliant on intervention. Had the cycle followed its historical pattern, gold would likely have surged back into prominence as the weaknesses of fiat became undeniable.

And it may still have a role to play.

But the landscape is no longer the same as in previous eras.

For the first time in history, gold is not the only form of hard money available at the end of a fiat cycle. A new contender has entered the scene — Bitcoin — and its presence changes the trajectory of what comes next.

The Breakthrough That Made a New Form of Money Possible

The world that gold once anchored has changed. Modern finance operates at a speed and scale far beyond anything seen in previous monetary eras, with markets, payments, and capital flows moving continuously across digital networks. In this environment, gold still functions as a store of value, but it no longer fits naturally into the machinery of a system that expects instantaneous verification, global reach, and programmable settlement. The monetary cycle had reached the point where sound money would normally return — yet the structure of the present economy left a gap that gold alone could not fill.

For decades, that gap remained unaddressed because no alternative could meet the requirements of hard money in a digital age. Every form of digital value suffered from the same limitation: it required a central authority to manage the ledger, validate transactions, and prevent counterfeiting. And any system dependent on a central authority inherits the same vulnerabilities that define fiat money — discretion, intervention, and the risk of expansion driven by political or institutional incentives. The world had the technology for digital payments, but not for digital monetary integrity.

The breakthrough came from solving a problem long thought impossible: how to create digital scarcity without relying on any central administrator. Public–private key cryptography made it possible to prove ownership without exposing identity. Hash functions revealed any attempt to alter data. A distributed network removed the need for a controlling institution. And proof-of-work secured the system through economic incentives rather than policy decisions.

The underlying technologies were not new, but their combination in a monetary context was. No one had previously assembled them into a system capable of enforcing scarcity and validation without trust in an administrator. Together, they created a monetary architecture where the rules of issuance and verification are enforced by the network itself — not by a government, a central bank, or a corporation. Scarcity was no longer a matter of trust; it became a matter of mathematics.

This shift introduced something entirely new into the late stage of the monetary cycle:
a monetary system that could maintain discipline without relying on physical assets or political restraint.

For the first time, an asset existed that could serve the role gold historically played, but in a format compatible with the scale, speed, and structure of the modern world. It could move globally within minutes. It did not require custody within the banking system. It could not be inflated to address short-term pressures. And it was immune to the kinds of restrictions and interventions that had prevented gold from reasserting itself in the twentieth century.

This does not diminish gold’s importance. It highlights a structural change in the environment around it. Gold still behaves as sound money, but its influence can be muted through regulation, intermediaries, and the financial instruments built on top of it. The new digital architecture cannot be influenced in those same ways. Its operation depends on decentralised consensus rather than on the cooperation of institutions.

The existence of this alternative ensures that the conclusion of the current fiat cycle will not follow the exact path of the past.
Where earlier cycles inevitably moved back toward gold, the modern world now has access to a second form of hard money—one that cannot be diluted, redirected, or constrained by the methods used in previous eras.

This presence alone changes the shape of what comes next.
Gold is no longer the sole anchor that markets can turn to.
For the first time in history, two forms of hard money stand alongside one another as fiat weakens.

This divergence sets the stage for a transition unlike any that has come before.

The Early Stages of a Monetary Transition

Monetary transitions rarely begin with dramatic events. They start quietly, long before the existing system reaches its breaking point, as confidence begins to shift from one store of value to another. In previous cycles, that shift flowed almost entirely toward gold. As fiat weakened, savers and institutions turned to the asset that preserved purchasing power across political regimes and economic upheavals.

Today, a similar pattern is emerging, but it does not move in a single direction. Gold retains its historical role, yet it is no longer the sole destination for trust leaving the fiat system. The presence of a digital alternative has divided the flow. Instead of one anchor, there are now two: gold, with millennia of history, and a younger but rapidly maturing contender.

Bitcoin has now existed for more than sixteen years — long enough to demonstrate that its operation is not a novelty or a temporary anomaly, but a persistent feature of the modern monetary landscape. It has functioned through multiple economic cycles, across political transitions, and under continuous scrutiny. Sixteen years is short by historical standards, but long by technological and monetary ones. Most new monetary systems fail well before this point. Bitcoin has done the opposite: it has deepened, expanded, and solidified its place.

This is characteristic of early-stage monetary competition. New stores of value begin on the edges, adopted first by individuals who are quicker to recognise the weaknesses of the existing system. They do not adopt because they expect a total replacement, but because they see clear advantages: scarcity, neutrality, and insulation from the incentives that shape traditional policy decisions.

As confidence continues to shift, the landscape begins to tilt. Fiat weakens under the weight of debt, intervention, and eroding purchasing power. Gold strengthens as it always has when trust in currency declines. And Bitcoin establishes a foothold alongside it, not as a speculative instrument but as an alternative form of hard money.

This early phase does not destabilise the existing system. It simply reveals where trust is starting to move. The more the fiat system relies on intervention — whether through monetary expansion, financial backstops, or emergency measures — the more compelling the alternatives appear. Confidence, once redirected, rarely returns with the same strength.

What makes the current transition unique is not the movement itself, but the presence of choice. For the first time, the late stage of a fiat cycle offers more than one path for capital and confidence to follow. Gold remains the historical refuge. Bitcoin has emerged as the modern one. And their coexistence ensures that the monetary environment ahead will diverge from the patterns that defined the past.

The transition is already underway. It is still early, but it is visible. And it is driven not by crisis or collapse, but by preference — the silent movement of trust toward assets that are scarce, neutral, and independent of the political incentives that define the fiat era.

The First Time in History We Have a Choice the State Cannot Suppress

Every monetary cycle in history has followed a familiar pattern.
A sound base.
Gradual debasement.
Rising intervention.
Loss of trust.
And finally, a return to the form of money that governments could not distort: gold.

That path repeated across empires, dynasties, political systems, and continents. It repeated not because societies lacked intelligence, but because citizens lacked alternatives. When fiat weakened, people had only one reliable refuge. And because gold is physical, centralised at points of custody, and easily restricted through legal or regulatory means, governments always found ways to control it.

The cycle continued because the state always controlled the escape route.

This era is different.

For the first time in monetary history, a form of money exists that does not rely on centralised custody, physical settlement, institutional trust, or policy discretion. It is accessible to anyone, enforceable by software, and secured by a decentralised network rather than an authority. It cannot be inflated, seized at scale, or manipulated to solve short-term political pressures.

Bitcoin does not eliminate gold. It stands beside it.
But it introduces something gold never had: resistance to suppression at the structural level.

This single property changes the trajectory of the current monetary cycle.

For centuries, governments could always contain competing forms of money.
Now they cannot.
They can regulate around Bitcoin.
They can influence access points.
But they cannot alter its rules, expand its supply, or stop its operation without severing global communication networks — and even then, Bitcoin would continue to function through satellites, radio links, and other alternative channels.

The fiat system is deep into the phase that has historically signalled approaching transition: elevated debt, persistent monetary expansion, increasing reliance on intervention, and a gradual erosion of trust. None of this guarantees collapse. But it does guarantee change.

And for the first time, society has a tool capable of breaking the pattern.

Bitcoin is not the end of monetary history.
It is the beginning of a new chapter — one where the market once again has a choice, and where the escape route from fiat no longer depends on the permission of the state.

The cycle that has repeated for thousands of years will not repeat in the same way.
Because this time, the world is not limited to a single form of hard money.
This time, the shift cannot be fully suppressed.
This time, the alternatives are stronger than the incentives that drove the cycle before.

For the first time in history, the end of a fiat era is not predetermined.